The north Indian state of Uttar Pradesh, known for its large population and significant electoral heft, is orchestrating one of the world’s largest religious gatherings: the Mahakumbh Mela. This event is quite spectacular as one can find the convergence of different streams of Hindus coming together. However, beneath the spiritual facade lies a political scheme that aims to shape India’s future in its own way.
The event, taking place in Prayagraj (formerly Allahabad), attracts millions of Hindu devotees to the confluence of the Ganga, Yamuna, and the mythical Saraswati rivers during the auspicious time of Sankranti, marking the transition from winter.
This year’s Mahakumbh is particularly significant as it occurs once every 12 years, when Jupiter enters Aquarius, adding a layer of spiritual importance to the bathing rituals central to Hindu practice.
Yogi Adityanath’s political strategy
Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, a monk-turned-politician and a prominent rabble-rouser in India’s federally ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), seen by many as the potential successor to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, is leveraging this religious spectacle for political gain.
With over 400m Hindus expected to gather, the event serves as a colossal platform for Mr Yogi to project himself as a devout leader of the Hindu community, which constitutes over 80% of India’s population.
To drive home this point he has ensured that the entire region is blistered with burlesque hoardings featuring him as the saviour of the “Hindu soul”.
Not only has he deployed a large contingent of security forces to manage the event, even though the state tops India in criminal activities, he has also used the opportunity to drive Islamophobia.
His administration has banned Muslims from opening any stalls to sell anything to the pilgrims and made the event an exclusive one for the Hindus.
His administration has not spared the expense, spending billions from the public exchequer to ensure the Mahakumbh is a grand affair, echoing the investment seen in previous religious events like the Deep Diwali in Ayodhya.
Financial dynamics behind the splendour
However, the question arises: how can a state notorious for its economic backwardness and the exodus of migrant labour afford such extravagance?
The answer lies in a contentious constitutional provision that directs a significant portion of the Union’s tax revenue towards States with higher populations. This system inadvertently rewards States for population growth, often at the expense of human development initiatives.
Consider the following disparities in tax distribution:
Here are the States from the south of the Deccan and the amount of taxes they pay to the Union and the amount they get back from the Union.
| State | Total Population | Tax to Union | Tax return from Union |
| Kerala | 34,600,000 | Rs 306.77bn | Rs 212.61bn |
| Tamil Nadu | 83,900,000 | Rs 1.21 trillion | Rs 450.52bn |
| Karnataka | 64,100,000 | Rs 1.45 trillion | Rs 402.80bn |
| Telangana | 38,317,000 | Rs 599.42bn | Rs 232.16bn |
Contrast this with the northern Hindi-speaking states:
| State | Total Population | Tax to Union | Tax return from Union |
| Uttar Pradesh | 257,054,568 | Rs 1.01 trillion | Rs 1.98 trillion |
| Bihar | 130,725,310 | Rs 180.21bn | Rs 1.11 trillion |
These figures reveal that states like Uttar Pradesh receive far more than they contribute, essentially rewarding them for population growth rather than development metrics, like human development or job creation.
So, the state government has no compulsion towards economic development, and it becomes easier to indulge in extravaganza on the money of others.
Political implications and the cult of Hindutva
Mr Yogi and the BJP understand that by championing Hindutva, a form of Hindu nationalism laced with Islamophobic rhetoric, they can secure the votes of a populace more concerned with cultural identity than economic progress.
This strategy not only ensures electoral success but also absolves the government from the imperative of substantial developmental work. The higher population also translates into greater representation in the national Parliament, thus keeping these states at the forefront of India’s political discourse.
It’s a bonanza for the Hindi-speaking States.
Firstly, they have the ability to change the demographics of non-Hindi States by sending large contingents of migrants seeking work in those States, especially in the South.
Secondly, they can control the law and policy-making of the country with the help of their greater representation in Parliament and ensure that the hegemony of the Hindi-speaking populace is sustained.
The Mahakumbh, therefore, is not just a religious event but a political theatre where Mr Yogi aims to solidify his image as a defender of Hindu ethos. Just as the 2013 Kumbh Mela served Mr Modi’s prime ministerial campaign in 2014, this Mahakumbh could be the beginning of Mr Yogi’s national political journey, eyeing the 2027 state assembly elections and perhaps the 2029 general elections.
The Mahakumbh in Prayagraj is a microcosm of the broader political scenario in India where majoritarian bigotry is intertwined with political ambition. While the event showcases the cultural and spiritual vibrancy of Hinduism, it also highlights the complex interplay of religion, politics, and economics in one of India’s most populous states. As Mr Yogi uses this event for his political ambitions, the world watches to see if history will repeat itself, with another BJP leader using the confluence of faith and politics to ascend to higher echelons of power.
